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Russia sends Su-35 fighters to Algeria in secret arms shift
This move, confirmed by the International Institute for Strategic Studies [IISS] on April 8, 2025, underscores Russia’s efforts to maintain influence in key markets despite international pressures and highlights Algeria’s ambitions to bolster its military capabilities. Why is Russia pivoting these advanced jets to Algeria now, and what does this tell us about the broader dynamics of global arms exports?
The transfer began to unfold when satellite images dated March 2, 2025, showed a disassembled Su-35, painted in a camouflage scheme consistent with an earlier Egyptian order, being loaded onto an An-124 at Komsomolsk-on-Amur, the production hub for Sukhoi aircraft.
This quiet but significant transfer stems from a failed 2018 deal with Egypt, which had ordered over 20 Su-35s but backed out under U.S. pressure tied to the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act [CAATSA]. With Egypt’s withdrawal, Russia needed a new buyer, and Algeria, a long-standing partner, stepped in.
The Sukhoi Su-35, often called the “Flanker-E” in NATO circles, is a 4++ generation multirole fighter designed to bridge the gap between older Soviet-era designs and modern fifth-generation stealth aircraft. A single-seat, twin-engine jet, it measures 71.9 feet in length with a 50.2-foot wingspan and weighs up to 76,059 pounds at maximum takeoff.
Powered by two Saturn AL-41F1S engines with thrust-vectoring nozzles, the Su-35 achieves supermaneuverability, allowing it to perform extreme aerobatic maneuvers like the Pugachev Cobra, where the aircraft briefly pitches upward to a near-vertical angle without stalling. Its top speed reaches Mach 2.25 [about 1,500 mph], and it has a combat radius of roughly 994 miles without external fuel tanks.
Compared to U.S. counterparts like the F-15EX Eagle II, the Su-35 offers similar multirole versatility but lacks the stealth features of the F-35 Lightning II. Against China’s J-16, it holds a slight edge in maneuverability, though both share advanced radar systems.
Algeria’s acquisition of these jets enhances its air force, which already operates over 70 Su-30MKA fighters, 40 MiG-29s, and other Russian-made aircraft. The Su-35’s advanced avionics and long-range strike capabilities provide a significant upgrade, enabling Algeria to project power across North Africa and the Mediterranean.
In 2023, Algeria’s defense budget reached $25.1 billion, fueled by its vast oil and gas reserves, allowing it to sustain such high-cost acquisitions. The Su-35s, originally built for Egypt, were likely offered at favorable terms, reflecting Russia’s need to offload completed aircraft amid economic constraints from Western sanctions.
The Egyptian deal’s collapse offers a window into the challenges facing Russia’s arms exports. In 2018, Egypt signed a $3 billion contract for Su-35s to modernize its air force, which relies on aging F-16s and French Rafales. By 2020, however, U.S. warnings of CAATSA sanctions, which target countries buying Russian weapons, prompted Cairo to reconsider.
The law, enacted in 2017, has deterred other nations like India and Turkey from deepening ties with Moscow’s defense industry. Egypt’s withdrawal left Russia with at least 12 Su-35s ready but undelivered by 2021, as satellite imagery from Komsomolsk-on-Amur showed. Discussions about redirecting these jets to Iran surfaced, but Tehran prioritized air defense systems until confirming a small Su-35 purchase in January 2025.
Algeria’s strategic calculus in accepting these jets goes beyond military modernization. Positioned between Morocco to the west and Libya to the east, Algeria navigates a volatile region. Its rivalry with Morocco, centered on the Western Sahara conflict, drives much of its defense spending.
Morocco operates 23 F-16 Block 52+ fighters, with upgrades to the Block 70/72 standard underway, and has explored acquiring F-35s through U.S. and Israeli channels. The Su-35s give Algeria an edge in air-to-air combat, though their effectiveness depends on pilot training and maintenance, areas where Russia’s support has sometimes faltered due to sanctions-related supply chain issues.
Russia’s motivations for this transfer extend beyond economics. With influence waning in the Middle East after years of involvement in Syria, Moscow is doubling down on North Africa. Algeria, a key member of OPEC and a gas supplier to Europe offers a stable partner less susceptible to Western leverage than Egypt.
The Su-35 deal strengthens this alliance, potentially paving the way for future contracts, like the Su-57 stealth fighter, which Algeria reportedly ordered in 2021. However, Su-57 production lags, with only 19 delivered to Russia’s own forces by early 2025, casting doubt on near-term exports.
The Su-35s, already built, serve as a stopgap to keep Algeria engaged while Russia ramps up production, as United Aircraft Corporation CEO Vadim Badekha promised on March 29, 2025. Yet, Russia’s defense industry faces headwinds, producing just seven Su-57s between 2023 and 2024, a pace that limits its ability to meet domestic and foreign demand.
France, a former colonial power in Algeria, watches warily, especially after a Russian Su-35 intercepted a French Reaper drone over the Mediterranean in March 2025, as reported by Reuters. China, an emerging player in African defense, may see an opportunity to offer its J-10 or J-16 fighters if Russia’s reliability falters.
For Algeria, the Su-35s are a pragmatic choice, but integrating them poses challenges. The jets require extensive pilot training, and their complex systems demand a robust supply chain, which sanctions could disrupt. Algeria’s air force, built around Russian designs, mitigates some risks, but diversifying suppliers—like France’s Rafale or China’s FC-31—remains a long-term option.
In Ukraine, Su-35s have engaged in long-range missile strikes but suffered losses to surface-to-air missiles, exposing weaknesses against modern Western systems like the Patriot. For Algeria, operating in a less contested environment, these risks are less immediate, but the jets’ high maintenance costs could strain budgets over time.
Compared to Morocco’s F-16s, the Su-35’s superior radar and maneuverability offer advantages in a hypothetical conflict, but Morocco’s access to U.S. upgrades and training narrows the gap. The F-35, if acquired by Morocco, would outclass the Su-35 in stealth and sensor fusion, a scenario Algeria likely considered when prioritizing these jets.
This transfer also reflects the fragility of Russia’s arms export model. The Egyptian deal’s failure, followed by delays in redirecting jets to Iran, underscores how U.S. sanctions and geopolitical pressures limit Moscow’s options.
Will it double down on Russian systems, risking dependency, or use this acquisition to negotiate better terms with other suppliers? The Su-35s, while formidable, tie Algeria to a partner facing economic and industrial constraints, a dynamic that could shape its air force for decades.
As satellite imagery continues to peel back the curtain on global arms flows, the Su-35 transfer to Algeria stands as a case study in adaptation and opportunism. For Russia, it’s a lifeline to sustain a key market; for Algeria, it’s a step toward regional dominance.
Meanwhile, the U.S. and its allies must weigh how to engage a region where Russian influence persists despite setbacks elsewhere. Are these Su-35s a triumph for Algeria’s ambitions or a gamble on a partner whose global reach is fraying? Only time will tell, but the answers will shape the Mediterranean’s fragile balance.
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Bulgarian Military